I have been rereading Jack Birner's 2002 book, The Cambridge Controversies in Capital Theory. Birner is an economist of the Austrian school. He probably generally disagrees with me on lots of matters. Torward the start of the introduction, he writes:
"Four decades ago the best minds in economics were engaged in a confrontation which the entire profession followed in the pages of the leading journals almost as if it were a soccer match. It has become customary to distinguish two opposing groups of economists to the debate..." -- Jack Birner (2002: 1)
And he expresses astonishment that the results of this dispute are ignored:
"What I do want to draw attention to is that the conclusions reached in that debate constitute a rare example of a set of formally proven, uncontestable, undeniably true and reliable results in economics... They can be summarized by saying that the K of the production function that modern economists so confidently and fully rely on for their theoretical and empirical work can only be used in conditions where there is only a single, homogeneous capital good. One does not need to have a degree in economics to know that in reality this is not the case. The economy consists of a bewildering variety of buildings, machines, software, skills and ways of organizing production. And as everyone who has filed a corporate tax declaration knows, it is not even possible to give more than a rather inexact estimate of their value. In other words, not only is there no intuitive justification for the use of aggregate, homogeneous K, we have proofs by Nobel-calibre economists assisted by 100 per cent certain mathematical techniques that demonstrate without a shred of doubt that this K cannot and should not be used for the objectives it is currently used for. Nevertheless, economists go about their business as if these proofs did not exist. That some of them are the very same people who produced these proofs earlier makes things even more curious. The fact that production functions with the same aggregate K figure prominently in all current textbooks of macroeconomics is worse than curious: it is deeply worrying." -- Jack Birner (2002: 1-2)
I do not think the situation is different today. I agree with Birner that the overall point of the CCC is not at all clear from the details of the match. The participants were worrying about local details. I think more was at stake than an aggregate theory. I like to emphasize the labor 'market' in my expositions. Fabio Petri, among others, emphasizes mistakes in what the early marginalists thought could be consistently taken as given in their theory.
Birner considers the role of idealizing assumptions in mathematical models. He considers the relations of such ideal models to models that more 'factual', that is, closer to being able to be applied empirically.
The trend, for decades, in the philosophy of science is to be descriptive, to try to understand how specialists in specific disciplines become convinced of their ideas. The CCC poses a problem for the methodologist.
I'm am doubtful about Birner's methodology at points. He draws upon some scholars I like. For example, he draws on Arthur Koestler's The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe. Koestler points out that Copernicus was focused on narrow points. One of the virtues of a geocentric model, for him, was that it got rid of equants. An equant is a circular orbit that has uniform velocity around a point displaced from its center.
Likewise, economists in the CCC were focused on narrow points about, say, Samuelson's surrogate capital and Robinson's pseudo-production function. For Birner, Sraffa and Garegnani were about the only ones awake.
In some sense, Birner does not resolve his problem. He concludes most economists are still asleep.

